Gender history is a type of historical analysis that has developed out
of women’s
history. In the 1960s and 1970s, gender was often used as a
synonym for women’s history. But from the 1980s the term developed as a
separate interest among historians and critics in other disciplines. Joan
Wallach Scott defined gender as “a social category imposed on a sexed body,”
and stated that “gender is a primary way of signifying relations of power.”
Gender can be defined as the study of the cultural (including the historical,
social, class, intellectual, economic, political, psychological,
literary, etc.) organisation, functioning, representation and
meaning of sex/body difference. Gender distinction has been explored as a
common and omnipresent characteristic of society.
Gender as a category of analysis, is a mechanism by which change over
time can be interpreted and represented. Initially, it grew as a part of women’s
history in the 1960s. It began in some ways as a branch of social history, and many
of the essays include extensive discussions of issues that matter to social
historians: the family, work and leisure experiences, marriage patterns, and class
differences. It criticized patriarchy, and male dominance and explained why women
were hidden from history. Then, Juliet Mitchell and Teresa Brennan, the
feminine through their psychoanalysis explained the subjectivity of women
through language. From the 1970s and into the 1980s, especially through the
early efforts of Sally Alexander and Catherine Hall, women, class and sexual
difference came under the scope of a variety of Marxist historians. In this
phase of women's history, sex and class often figured as related forms of
oppression: the female sex was viewed as a subordinate class, subjugated
by a dominant class of men.
By the mid-1980s a gradual breakdown of the category "woman"
had begun to propel the turn to gender. The critical questioning of women as
organized historical subjects, objects, and political identities was one factor
that necessitated the arrival of gender as a keyword of historical analysis. By
the early 1990s gender had become a substantial topic among historians and
those interested in an interdisciplinary approach to it. Two edited texts from
that time, Julia Epstein’s and Kristina Straub’s collection Body Guards: The
Cultural Politics of Gender Ambiguity (1991) and Sue Tolleson Rinehart’s Gender
Consciousness and Politics (1992), indicate the final arrival of gender
consciousness among historians as well as academics.
Gender also made inroads into philosophy in the early 1990s and the most
important works are Linda Alcoff and Elizabeth Potter’s edited Feminist
Epistemologies (1993), Ann Garry’s and Marilyn Pearsall’s Women,
Knowledge and Reality (1996), and Jean Curthoys’s Feminist Amnesia (1997).
Most notably French feminist philosophers and critical theorists Luce Irigaray
and Hélène Cixous, along with Judith Butler, Diane Elam, Teresa Brennan, Mary
Poovey and Donna Haraway, have explored the process of cultural absorption into
a dominant gendered discourse, raising questions about how gender historically
defines sex.
Gender is now firmly fixed as a part of the historical construction. For
example, explorations that link sexuality, gender, and nationalism are revealed
in texts like George L. Mosse’s Nationalism and Sexuality: Middle Class
Morality and Sexual Norms in Modern Europe (1985) and the multiple-authored Nationalisms and Sexualities (1992). On gender, race,
imperialism and colonialism see Anne McClintock et al., Dangerous
Liaisons: Gender, Nations, and Postcolonial Perspectives (1997) and Ida
Bloom, Karen Hagemann and Catherine Hall, Gendered Nations: Nationalisms and
Gender Order in the Long Nineteenth Century (2000).
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